costs of the new Medicare catastrophic illness legislation are
not borne out. In addition, large numbers of Americans are
currently pauperized and emotionally drained by the expense of
long-term care. As our population ages in the years ahead, the
situation is only going to become worse. Yet we have not developed
a workable public or private insurance approach to cope with the
problem of long-term care.
In summary,
the present system represents a paradoxical mixture of generosity
and stinginess, huge spending and huge gaps. Few realize that the
inequality of wealth is greater among the elderly than among other
age groups. Moreover, the disparities in old age between the haves
and the have-nots are likely to grow in the years ahead. This is
because of the emerging difference between two groups: those
depending almost exclusively on Social Security benefits that will
grow more slowly than in the past, and those who will have profited
from the escalating values of home ownership, from tax-favored
savings initiated in the 1970s, and from expansions in private
pension coverage that are most extensive for workers in
higher-paying jobs.
Tragically,
however, there is one great equalizer as Americans reach very old
age and lose the physical or mental capacities to live
independently. Only the extremely affluent will be able to pay for
long-term care from their own resources. If we could look into the
nursing homes of America, we would see, as we did in looking at
infants through the nursery windows, the fundamental human
vulnerability that we all ultimately share.
The basic
theme of this chapter is straightforward: Some elderly Americans
are not receiving enough help, while others are not contributing as
much as they could. There is a growing mismatch between the
vulnerability of old people and our social institutions that were
designed to assuage it. Those elderly who can contribute more
should do so—to help those who have been left behind, to help
ensure a solvent Medicare system and a humane system of long-term
care for themselves and others. New policies must not undermine the
economic security and opportunity that have already been achieved
for older citizens. But there are fair, progressive ways for the
affluent elderly to help fill the gaps that exist in our social
protection system, and we should not shrink from asking them to do
so.
Protecting the Weakest Today
Older
Americans have three lines of defense against economic hardship.
First, almost all the elderly have access to Social Security and
Medicare, two public social insurance programs to which people
contribute throughout their working