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loans, written as second mortgages, may be in the form of down-payment or monthly mortgage assistance; they have a deferred pay-back and a fixed interest rate of 6 percent.

Cleveland Heights replicated the Fund for the Future of Shaker Heights in 1986 when it formed the Heights Fund. Initially supported by the same local foundations with a local donor match, the Heights Fund guidelines are similar to those of its Shaker Heights counterpart.

Footnotes

Footnote :

* These neighborhood loan funds included the Lomond Association, the Ludlow Company, the Shaker Communities Development Foundation, and the Moreland Community Association. The last two groups had made loans primarily to blacks buying in North Shaker.

LOOKING TO STATE GOVERNMENT

In 1982 Ohio voters approved a referendum establishing the Ohio Housing Finance Agency (OHFA). OHFA floated tax-exempt bonds to create a pool of funds to lend, through participating banks, at below-market rates to qualified first-time buyers. Nothing in the agency's charter spelled out a fair housing mission. Nevertheless, DeMarco and other fair housing advocates, primarily from Shaker Heights and Cleveland Heights, launched an effort to get OHFA's board to set aside 10 percent of its anticipated $100 million in bond proceeds for pro-integration housing. Other fair housing groups in the region, notably the Metropolitan Strategies Group, coordinated the effort.

At first, OHFA's nine-member board rejected, as outside its mandate, the integration incentive set-aside. But in 1985 the death of a 67-year-old black grandmother in a firebombing in a west side Cleveland neighborhood was cited by fair housing advocates and black elected officials of Cleveland and suburban cities as proof of the need for increased government action. The following month the board, reportedly under pressure from Governor Richard Celeste, voted to allocate $7 million on a trial basis for integration mortgage incentives assistance. The board directed that the earmarked money be distributed to potential buyers moving into areas where they were "racially underrepresented."

Regulations proposed by the Metropolitan Strategies Group at the request of OHFA took the unprecedented step of defining racial underrepresentation. Under the 10/40 plan, a neighborhood would have to be at least 90 percent white for blacks to qualify for pro-integration loans and at least 40 percent black for whites to qualify for such loans; the thresholds were set by taking the percentage of the county population that was then black, 25 percent, and adding or subtracting 15 percent.

The set-aside program was in force for two months in 1985, during which time 30 black and 19 white borrowers qualified for $3 million in mortgages. After September 1985, the program's 9.8 percent interest rate could not compete with falling conventional lending rates, and consumer demand for the loans temporarily dried up. Nevertheless, the funds were credited with helping open two communities in the eastern suburbs.